Behind the Gemstone Files


INTRODUCTION

The Skeleton Key
Kiwi Files
Corbitt Document

AUTHORSHIP
Caruana-Stephanie
Moore-Jim
 
I-The Early Years
  II-The CIA Years
  III-Mafia-Kennedy Years
  IV-The 1968 Campaign
  V-US Political Prisoner
  VI-War With the CIA
  VII-Iran-Contra Affair
  VIII-The Sunset Years?
  The Rainbow Bomb
Renzo-Peter
Roberts-Bruce


GEMSTONES
Chronological

ALPHA-1775
1776-1899
1900-1929
1930-1939
1940-1949
1950-1959
1960-1969
1970-1979
1980-1989
1990-1999
2000-2009

GEMSTONES
Alphabetical

A
Adamo-Michael
Air America
Air Asia
Air Thailand
Air West
Albania
Alioto-Angela
Alioto-Joe
Alioto-Tom
Allegria-
Allenda-Salvadore
American Airways
Anderson
   Foundation
Anderson-Jack
Appalachin Meet
Ashland Oil

B
Bahamas
Bank of America
Barker-Bernard
Bay of Pigs
Beame-Abe
Bechtel
Becker-Atty.
Benavides-Domingo
Bennett-Robert
Bernstein-Carl
Bird-Wally
Black Magic Bar
Black Panthers
Bon Veniste-
   Richard
Braden-Jim
Brading-Eugene
Braniff Airways
Brezhnev-Leonid
Brison
Bull-Stephen

C
Cahill-Police Chief
Cambodia
Cannon
Carl Boir Agency
Carlsson
Castro-Fidel
Cesar-Thane
Chapman-Abe
Charach-Ted
Chester Davis
Chile
China
Chisolm-Shirley
Chou En-Lai
CIA
Clark
Colby-William
Connally-John
Constantine
Council of Nicea
CREEP
Cushing-Cardinal

D
Dale-Francis L.
Dale-Liz
Daley-Richard J.
Dean-John
DeDiego-Felipe
Drift Inn Bar
Duke-Dr. "Red"
Dun & Bradstreet

E
Eckersley-Howard
Ellsberg-Daniel
Enemy Within, The
Erlichman-John

F
Faisal-King
Faisal-Prince
Farben-I.G.
Fatima 3 Prophecy
FBI
Fielding-Dr.
Fiorini-Frank
Ford-Gerald
Ford Foundation
Frattiano-James
Fuller

G
Garcia
Garrison-Jim
Garry-Charles
Gaylor-Adm. Noel
Ghandi-Indira
Giannini
Glomar Explorer
Golden Triangle
Gonzalez-Henry
Gonzalez-Virgilio
Graham-Katharine
Graham-Phillip
Gray-L. Patrick
Greenspun-Hank
Griffin
Grifford-K. Dun
Group of 40
Gulf Oil

H
Hampton-Fred
Harmony-Sally
Harp-
Harris-Al
Hearst-Patty
Heaton-Devoe
Helms-Richard
Heroin
Hoover-J. Edgar
Hughes Aircraft
Hughes Foundation
Hughes-Howard
Hughes Tool Co.
Humphrey-Hubert
Hunt-Howard

I
Irving-Clifford
Israel-1973 War
ITT

J
Jaworski-Leon
Jesus
Jews
Johnson-Lyndon
Joseph and Mary

K
Kaye-Beverly
Kefauver-Estes
Kennedy-John F.
Kennedy-Jackie
Kennedy-Joseph
Kennedy-Edward
Kennedy-Robert
Kennedy-Rose
King-Leslie, Jr.
King-Martin Luther
Kish Realty
Kissinger-Henry
Komano-
Kopechne-Mary Jo
Krogh-Bud

L
Lansky-Meyer
Laos
Lasky-Moses
Liedtke
Liddy-Gordon
Lipset-Hal
Lon Nol-Premier
Look Magazine

M
Mack (CREEP)
Madeiros-
Mafia
Magnin-Cecil
Maheu-Robert
Mansfield-Mike
Marquess of
   Blandford
Mari-Frank
Marseilles
Marshall-Burke
Martinez-Eugenio
McCarthy-Mary
McCone-John
McCord-James
McNamara-Robert
Merryman
Mexico
Meyer-Eugene
Midnight
Mills-Coroner
Mitchell-John
Mitchell-Martha
Mormon Mafia
Mullen Corporation
Muniz-
Mustapha

N
Nader-Ralph
Neal-James
Neilson-Neil
Nero
Ngo Dinh Diem
Ngo Dinh Nhu
Niarchos-Charlotte
   Ford
Niarchos-Eugenia
Niarchos-Stavros
Nixon-Donald
Nixon-Richard
Noguchi-Thomas
Nut Tree Restaurant

O
O'Brien-Larry
Oliver-R. Spencer
Onassis-Alexander
Onassis-Aristotle
Onassis-Tina
Oswald-Lee H.

P
Pacific Telephone
Paraguay Highway
Pavlov-
Pennzoil
Pentagon Papers
Pepsi Cola
Peters-Jean
Phelan-James
Pico
Pope Montini
Pope Paul VI
Pope Pius XI
Pope Pius XII
Portrait of an
   Assassin
Project Star

R
Rand Corporation
Rector-L. Wayne
Reston-James
Roberts-Bruce
Roberts-Mr.
Rockefeller
   Commission
Rockefeller-John D.
Rockefeller-Nelson
Romane-Tony
Roosevelt-Franklin
Roosevelt-Elliott
Roselli-John
Rothschild
Ruby-Jack
Russia

S
Sadat-Anwar
Second Gun, The
Schumann
Scott-
SEC
Selassie-Haile
Seven Sisters Oil
Shorenstein
Silva-
Sirhan-Sirhan
Skorpios
Smalldones
Snyder-Jimmy
Sodium Morphate
Stans-Maurice
Strom-Al
Sturgis-Frank
Sunol Golf Course
Swig
Synthetic Rubies

T
Tacitus
Thomson-Judge
Thieu-Nguyen Van
Thue-Cardinal
Tippitt-J. D.
Tisserant-Cardinal
Tunney-Joan
Tunney-John
Turkey
TWA

U
Unruh-Jess

V
Vatican
Vesco-Robert
Vietnam
Volner-Jill

W
Wallace-Tom
Walsh-Denny
Warner Brothers
Washington Post
Wills-Frank
Woodward-Bob
World Bank
Wyman-Eugene

Y
Younger-Eric
Younger-Evelle
Yugoslavia

Z
Zebra Murders

 

Who is Jim Moore?
Part Seven
CAMPAIGN 1980 & THE IRAN-CONTRA AFFAIR
©2002 by Jim Moore

In 1980, Jim Moore became Davidson County co-chairman of the John Anderson presidential campaign. It was, compared to his earlier adventures, a pretty tame experience, but not without its surprises - including Republican dirty tricks aimed directly at Anderson's daughter. That story has never been told before now.

John Anderson is not just the man who ran against Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as an independent in 1980. He is also the man who approached Carter during that campaign and warned him that the White House had been infiltrated by a Reagan operative, Donald Gregg, who had stolen Carter's debate workbook, which contained key strategies and questions. Anderson had information relating to the Iranian hostage crisis in which Reagan and Bush actually paid the Iranians to hold onto the hostages longer, thus helping to ensure Carter's defeat.

Carter had been deeply humiliated when a rescue mission turned into a fiery disaster after the rescue helicopters crashed in a sandstorm. What Carter did not know - and may not know to this day - is that a gungho colonel named Oliver North was a key player in that disaster. Someone had removed some of the sand filters from the helicopters, and that is what led to their crash when, without filters, the engines clogged up.

Earlier in 1980, Carter set out to free the hostages with "Operation Eagle Claw," built around a surprise helicopter landing and secret assault on the building where they were held in Teheran.
 
The mission proved disastrous. At least two American helicopters crashed into each other in the desert long before they made it anywhere near Teheran. Eight Marines were killed. Carter looked ineffectual and frustration with the hostage crisis escalated.
 
Unfortunately, the operatives in charge of Desert Claw may not have been loyal to Carter -- or to the U.S. Carter had deeply alienated a broad range of CIA operatives by trying to clean up the Agency when he first came to power. Admiral Stansfield Turner, the tough but honest Navy man Carter put in charge at the CIA fired some 600 "spooks" soon after taking command. Many were deeply loyal to former Director George Bush and to the "Old Boy" network that serves as the Agency's true infrastructure.
 
That loyalty may have carried over to sabotage of Operation Eagle Claw. For the man who served as chief mission planner was none other than Richard Secord, who later surfaced as a major kingpin in the shady arms dealings between the Reagan White House and the contras of Nicaragua. A top staffer at a key base in Eagle Claw's catastrophic helicopter support operation was none other than the legendary Colonel Oliver North. Working closely with him as a logistical planner was Albert Hakkim, who later sat by Secord's side at the Congressional Iran-contra hearings and wept of his love for Oliver North.
 
As historian Donald Fried has put it "Precisely the people in the intelligence community commissioned to develop some kind of rescue for the hostages were those elements of covert action close to William Casey and hostile to Carter."
 
Casey, of course, later became Reagan's CIA chief. But higher up in the chain at the time of the failed rescue mission was Donald Gregg, a member of Carter's National Security Council who later surfaced as s high-level Bush operative. Gregg's close personal ties to Bush became a serious issue in light of his extensive dealings with key contra figures tied both to the Iran-contra scandal and illegal drug shipments coming from Central America. Gregg is now Bush's ambassador to South Korea.
 
In a recent interview Carter specifically implied that Gregg might have betrayed key security items to Bush during the 1980 campaign. Students of the affair, including author Gary Sick, also wonder if Gregg might have fed the Reagan-Bush team key items in the dealings between Carter and the Iranians. ("Bush's Impending Watergate" by Harvey Wasserman, The Valley Advocate, May 23, 1991)

In yet another account, a few more details are dredged up about the people involved in the ill-fated Operation Eagle Claw:

In the wake of the Embassy take-over, President Carter ordered Howard Bane to work with General "Shy" Meyer, Colonel Charlie Beckwith, and Delta Force, to come up with a plan to rescue the 53 hostages. As Bane notes, the plan was based on a covert action to obtain current intelligence on the status of the hostages, including several top CIA officers. Bane needed this intelligence information in order to know where to direct the black and gray propaganda necessary to disguise the CIA's actual intentions. There was also a need to train Delta Force to operate in the Iranian desert.
 
The required intelligence was obtained, but as is well known, the government's first major counter-terror operation, the Desert One rescue mission, failed to get off the ground. Sand clogged the aircraft and on 25 April 1980, eight soldiers were killed. To Ronald Reagan and George Bush's delight, the hostage situation continued unabated for another six months, and enabled them to characterize Jimmy Carter throughout the campaign as someone who did not take security seriously.
 
Just as merrily George W. Bush capitalized on the 11 September catastrophe, the Great Communicator shamelessly rode the Iranian hostage tragedy into the White House. As in Chile, the secret to success was persuading the middle class to support the cause of freedom. 
 
After defeating bumbling George Bush (the CIA's preferred candidate) in the primary, Reagan repudiated Carter's Human Rights crusade, and in the wake of the hostage crisis, declared a totally disingenuous war against terrorism. The seizure of the embassy had shaken the American public as never before, and Reagan played on that infantile fear. Indeed, terror was the organizing principle in his campaign. His avowed and central principle, written in stone, was of never negotiating with terrorists, as Jimmy Carter was attempting to do, and of restoring America to its rightful position as the most powerful and feared nation in the world.
 
Meanwhile, according to eyewitness Ari Ben-Menasche, Reagan's campaign manager, William J. Casey, had arranged for vice presidential candidate and former CIA director George Bush to meet with Iranian officials in Paris on the weekend of 18-19 October 1980. In exchange for holding the hostages through the election, then releasing them, Reagan, Bush and Casey agreed to sell weapons to Iran, which had been invaded in September 1980 by CIA asset Saddam Hussein and Iraq.
 
The secret deal, called the October Surprise, allowed Reagan, Bush and Casey to steal the presidency. The fact that the hostages were released on the day of Reagan's inauguration highlighted the fact that a secret deal had been made. But the American media had already been compromised by the National Security elite's four-year old disinformation campaign, and under the Great Communicator, the major TV networks and newspapers would become nothing more than a mouthpiece for the Israeli Lobby and America's reactionary right wing.
 
Many old Phoenix veterans staffed several key positions in the Reagan, Bush and Casey regime. SOD chief Rudy Enders had managed the CIA's counter-terror teams in Vietnam's III Corps in 1965-1966, and 1970-1972. On his second tour, Enders worked under the direction of III Corps Regional Officer in Charge, Donald Gregg. During the Reagan Administration, Gregg would serve as Vice-President George H. W. Bush's national security advisor. ("The Turning Point - Part 5" by Douglas Valentine, CounterPunch, 8 Nov. 2001)

Anderson's daughter, Elenora (left), came to Nashville during the campaign of 1980, Moore said, and what happened during her stay threw the Secret Service into a panic. (Photo by Jim Moore)

"State coordinator was Roger Hoover, a very Republican type of guy. Nice, quiet and reserved. I respected Roger a lot. The state and local campaign offices were in the same quarters, so we all got to know each other pretty well.

"There was a guy named Butch Hardy who had been an old classmate of Roger's in college. He showed up one day as a volunteer and Roger took him under his wing. Butch would show up in surgical garb and claimed to be either a doctor or an intern at Vanderbilt Hospital. Roger never checked him out. He trusted him because they'd been classmates. Butch was assigned to be Elenora's driver during her stay.

At the photo at the left are an unidentified man with his back to the camera, then (left to right) Butch Hardy, Elenora Anderson and Roger Hoover, Tennessee coordinator of the Anderson presidential campaign.

In the photo at the right are Elenora Anderson and Butch Hardy. (Photos by Jim Moore).

"On her first night, it was maybe 8:30 or 9 and the Secret Service wanted to know where Elenora was. Hell, I thought they were always with her. Turns out they weren't. Elenora's story later was that Butch had taken her 'out on the town' and tried to get her drunk and get her to take some drugs. All hell broke lose. Butch disappeared the next day and we were told he had showed up at Democratic headquarters as a 'volunteer' earlier, and had believed to have been working for the Republicans.

"See, at this time Anderson was running as an independent, so the Republicans - and Democrats, too, I guess - were concerned about Anderson siphoning off the vote. I don't know what camp Butch was with, if any, for sure. It turns out Anderson was blamed for getting Reagan elected, even though Anderson got about 8% of the vote nationally.

In March 1987, as the Iran-Contra scandal was unfolding, Moore published a 54-page two-color report exposing details about the scandal. Much of it had already been published elsewhere and was used as reference points; some of it had never seen the light of day and exposed such activities as Operation REX-84, a Reagan-North plan for concentration camps to hold half a million Americans who might protest the Nicaraguan covert war.

He had it printed at a small printing company across from Nashville Electric Service where he worked part-time as a typesetter, and mailed a copy to every member of Congress and many in the news media. On April 7, it made headline news in the Nashville Banner (above), a now-defunct afternoon daily taken over by Gannett. The author, Mike Piggott, painted Moore as "a conspiracy freak" but did note that similar allegations about mind control had also appeared just recently on National Public Radio.

The focus of the story was a very brief comment made by Sen. Jim Sasser, who went on to become Ambassador to China. Sasser denied making the statement and Moore provided the proof. The story above is the result. Piggott went on to become Sasser's press aide shortly after.

"I can't prove this," Moore says, "because I never saw it and therefore never videotaped it, but my ex-wife told me that during a break in the Iran-Contra hearings, as ABC-TV panned the hearing room, copies of this report could be clearly seen on several desks, where Congressmen were apparently using it as a reference in the hearings. I don't know. That's just what I was told, and I've not been able to confirm it."

Moore claimed that both Democrats and Republicans were involved in the Iran-Contra cover-up, and that was the reason the investigation never "really went anywhere."

"Ted Kennedy was pissed because he had lost the nomination to Carter, and he was determined to ruin Carter even if it meant throwing the election to Reagan. Teddy was embarrassed, because a Kennedy 'never loses.' When the Democrats threatened things like impeachment proceedings against Reagan, the Republicans simply confronted them with proof of Teddy's antics, and those of other 'liberal' Democrats like Donald Gregg, and the Democrats shut up and the investigation wound down. Ollie North and the rest may have got convicted, but they were pardoned - so in the end the whole story was covered up.

"If you've ever wondered why George W. gets along so well with Teddy, that's the reason. Teddy helped Reagan and George the Elder get elected. Now you know the rest of the story."

The Omega Report and the OKC Bombing

Shortly after, Moore was approached by the local community access TV station to appear in a documentary about a totally unrelated subject - UFOs. He had given a number of lectures on the subject and the media considered him somewhat of a local authority and would interview him whenever the subject came up.

"It turned out the show didn't air because the lighting was too dark in the auditorium and it was just not a good video shoot," he say, "but then Gene Thompson, who had been cameraman, asked me if I'd be interested in doing a weekly show on such subjects."

There was no pay in it, and it was expensive to produce, requiring a home studio setup and video cameras. The show, The Omega Report, aired for eight years and taped more episodes than the long-lasting Star Trek series or any of their sequels. It was eventually being cablecast to millions of homes throughout Middle Tennessee, Kentucky and Philadelphia (through Drexel University).

It developed a wide and loyal following, airing "the REAL X-Files," and covering a broad range of conspiracy-oriented topics from UFOs, abductions, the New World Order, earth changes, prophecy and the conflict between the new morality and Biblical beliefs.

Ironically, the UFO connection had earlier come to play a role in a local federal court case, not long before the show started airing. A Columbia, TN resident, Ron Miller. had filed suit against the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) over high-voltage power lines placed just 50 feet from the front of his $300,000 home in a rural area. Moore was considered an expert in electromagnetic field (EMF) radiation and its health effects. He had briefly advised the local utility on what kind of equipment they would need to monitor EMFs after a transmission line project ran into heavy local opposition and bad PR. He had testified in a local Mississippi case on behalf of the family of an assistant professor of physics from Vanderbilt University. The Vanderbilt professor's parents didn't stop the power line, but did triple the compensation they were seeking. By the time the Nashville federal trial rolled around, he was being called as an expert witness, accepted by the courts. He had been interviewed by a Tennessean reporter, Ann Paine, who had him come out to take measurements around her home. He showed her, with measurements, how she had more to fear from her microwave and refrigerator than from a small line transformer in the far corner of her backyard. By the tone of her article, she found him a very credible and responsible authority and researcher. Real estate companies would call upon him to take measurements of homes they were trying to sell, to either alert or reassure the prospective buyers.

"It was funny," Moore recalls of the federal case. "One of the first things the TVA lawyers did after I got on the witness stand was pull out these old clippings from some of my UFO lectures and wave them around and ask, 'Tell me, Mr. Moore, is it true you believe there's life on the dark side of the moon? You know - aliens?'

"It was obviously a tactic to discredit me, but I was prepared for it, and gave a pretty reasoned response, detailing current NASA projects, including Project SETI, and the statements of several astronauts that, in my opinion, lent the theory some credence.

"The judge, L. Clure Morton, sat in rapt attention for several minutes, then interrupted and said, 'Gentlemen, I have no idea what this has to do with power lines, but I find it immensely fascinating. Continue - please.'

"Well, with that, their tactic was shot, so they muttered 'no more questions, your honor,' shut up and promptly sat down. The plaintiff, though, still lost the case. TVA had a right of way going back 52 years and his title search went back 50 years - like most of them do. He sold his home and moved to Alaska, I heard."

The 'extreme of the extreme'

In late March 1993, on his television show, he talked about President Clinton's Anti-Terrorist bill, stalled in Congress, and brazenly predicted "a major terrorist incident in the United States" that would kill a lot of people and get the bill pushed through. On April 19, barely two weeks later, the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was bombed.

In his very next show, as federal agents were demonizing the militia movement in general and Mark Kornke ("Mark from Michigan" specifically), Moore blasted the media for airing selected and misleading excerpts from Kornke's speeches, some of which he himself had previously broadcast in full. He re-ran several of Kornke's lectures in a three-hour marathon that enraged Ilyas Muhammed, a Muslim leader and president of CAT-TV. Muhammed, an Army veteran who claimed to have an intelligence background, immediately and illegally banned any further broadcast of The Omega Report.

"I was out of town, ouy at the farm, and had no idea what was going on," he says. "I got a call from Gene, who had been scheduled to do playback. He said it was all over the local Channel 2 news station. They were claiming I was unavailable for comment - since I was - and he suggested I call them. My call resulted in a few more special reports and the public was so enraged they overwhelmed the TV switchboards, demanding I be put back on the air."

The scandal paralyzed CAT-TV, and led to the resignation of two board members in protest of Muhammed's actions. Within a matter of days, Viacom TV ordered the whole station off the air, but claimed it was for unrelated reasons. Drugs and alcohol had been found in the studio where the staff from another show had had a party. There was also an incident of a board member being found illegally filming TV commercials for some pizza parlor in the non-profit studio and pocketing the money. In addition, Muhammed's small daughter was found, with a friend, locked up in the studio one night where Ilyas had put her when he couldn't find a babysitter. Viacom had no idea the children were there until the girl's mother showed up outraged, demanding to know where her daughter was.

The Omega Report controversy and the events surrounding it nearly destroyed the station and polarized viewers and volunteers alike. A new director was hired, Jim Gilchrist, a professional TV newsman who had worked at Channel 5, and when CAT-TV went back on the air, so did Moore. Even the ACLU had gotten into the act, condemning the censorship.

"I was taking a tape down to drop off in the in-box and as I reached for the door, a man opened it. I'd never seen him before, and he hadn't seen me either, I guess. He asked who I was before he could let me in and I told him. He said, 'Jim Moore, huh? You're just the man I want to talk to.' We talked for several hours about the station's problems, including the repeated theft of equipment running into the thousands, and Gilchrist wanted my inside view of what things had been like before he had arrived just two weeks earlier.

"The tape I was dropping off was a vehement criticism of the way CAT-TV was being operated. For example, when I asked to know where the money was going, one of the board members, a local Hispanic political wannabe, Mario Ramos, told me in front of dozens of producers it was none of my business, I couldn't find out without a federal court order and I was mentally ill for asking. Now I had videotaped this exchange and was about to broadcast it. CAT-TV was a non-profit corporation and its books were supposed to be open to the public.

"Well, Gilchrist pleaded with me to reconsider and to give him a chance to correct things. He'd only been there two weeks and hadn't had time. I agreed with him and didn't air that particular show. As far as I know [2002] Gilchrist is still there and has done a fantastic job dealing with all those prima donnas."

During eight years, Moore exposed the Shadow Government that most of the public knew nothing about until after Sept. 11, 2001. He was invited to give several speeches and hold seminars on everything from covert US concentration camps to Masonic influence in politics to underground food storage facilities being set up by FEMA.

The Tennessean once sent a reporter to do a five-part front-page series about the militia movement in Tennessee. Most of the articles focused on Moore - who was never a member of an organized militia - and called him "the extreme of the extreme." Why such a label? Was it because he was a dangerous man? No, it was because he also "believed in UFOs."

[NOTE: We are trying to track down this series and will post it - or excerpts - when we locate it, as well as The Scene article.]

He was years ahead of most of the other media and actually penetrated the inside of one "detainee camp" being built in Nashville, accompanied by a former Marine. Both were wearing hardhats and posing as part of the many construction crews coming and going, even though the facility was closed to the public. He booked a helicopter flight and got up-close aerial footage of the camp. He visited the alleged detainee facility in Indianapolis and walked out with enough video for a one-hour show. On another occasion, he penetrated a huge underground storage sight and took viewers on an "insider's" video tour of the place.

NEXT: THE SUNSET YEARS?

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