PRIDE IS FIRST FOR PRESIDENT

Thursday, April 24, 1997

In the end, none of it seemed to matter. Not the summit meeting in Toronto, between the President of Peru and the Prime Minister of Japan, or the lunch here, Prime Minister of Canada Jean Chretien had with them afterward.      Not Canadian Ambassador Anthony Vincent's endless shuttle diplomacy between the Tupac Amaru rebels and the representatives of the Peruvian goverment.  Not even the expressed wish of all the Peruvians and others who said they wanted to see a peaceful solution to Latin America's longest hostage crisis.      What mattered was that there was no middle ground between the rebels of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) and President Alberto Fujimori.      And the determination of Mr. Fujimori and the Peruvian Army whose support has been crucial throughout his seven years in power - to show strength in the face of their most serious challenge yet.

      Personal pride and image are paramount to Eng. Fujimori, Peruvian analysts said earlier in the crisis. They predicted he would never accept a settlement that tarnished his tough-guy reputation by giving in to armed guerrillas most of the Peruvians consider terrorists.

      Any kind of concession would be a first for Fujimori.  He has never compromised with the opposition.  He beamed as befits a man who had slain a fearsome dragon, seen it rise again and strike at the centre of his claim to greatness, and then dispatched it once more.

      Life is a struggle for most Peruvians, and it has grown worse for many during the past few years.  But with army offensives against leftish guerrillas, and the capture of top Shining Path leaders in 1992, Mr. Fujimori could rightly claim to have improved physical security for many.

      The hostage seizure shattered that impression. Mr. Fujimori reacted first with silence, then insisted there would be no negotiations. He sought to demostrate toughness by letting it be known that he had accused of " sentimentality " an aide who reminded him that his brother was one of the hostages.

      But powerful and insistent voices sought to moderate his views. Japan whose diplomatic residence had been seized and which has a history of trying to settle such incidents peacefully, was alarmed at indications that Peru was planning a violent solution.

      Hostages' families and Peruvian opposition figures urged negotiation.

Eventually, although he never acknowledged that negotiations were taking place, Mr. Fujimori allowed contact and then talks to begin.

      But it seems clear that his heart wasn't really in it.  And politically, it seemed easy to defend the position that people convicted of killings, bombings and other acts of subversion should not be set free under duress - even if they had been tried in military courts by invisible judges.

      So as long as MRTA leader Nestor Cerpa Cartolini continued firm on his demand for the release of rebel prisoners, a military option remained viable.  Perhaps more than one.

      Meanwhile, Peruvian newspapers were publishing details of what they said were military - assault plans.  Other leaked information, apparently from the army or the powerful national intelligence service, sought to discredit the police for security lapses that led to the hostage - taking.

      Then last week, still - unexplained events began to happen that in retrospect might have foretold what was to come.  A Red Cross representative was expelled from Peru - the most serious expression of friction over the humanitarian agency's role in the crisis, which had been criticized by Peruvian authorities.

      And on the weekend, the interior minister and the national police chief resigned - and were replaced with hard - line generals. At the least, it looked like a signal that the army had prevailed in the infighting over who was responsible for security lapses.  It may also have been Mr. Fujimori making sure had the team he wanted in place for the final assault.

      Although the majority of the 72 hostages, who included Japanese businessmen and Peruvian cabinet members, were not harmed in the afternoon raid on the embassy, all the 14 Tupac Amaru terrorists were killed in the attack by Peruvian soldiers who, along with Mr. Fujimori, celebrated the successful raid with loud cheers and "high - fives".  In the next few days, reconstructions of what actually happened will probably obscure the issues raised by the hostage - taking.

      But the issues will not go away.  They include the conditions under which MRTA prisoners are held - in frigid, isolated jails, with inadequate food and medical attention, and and visiting restrictions that have provoked worldwide criticism.

      They include the special antiterrorist legislation that Mr. Fujimori has acknowledged put hundreds of innocent people behind bars - some of whom are still there, their pardons stalled since the hostage crisis broke out.

      They include the inequality and deprivation that many Peruvians insist underlies the growth of guerrilla movements.  Not to mention the constitutional overhault wrought by Mr. Fujimori that skews politics in favour of the current President and his supporters.

      Those are some of the dragons that are still alive in Peru - dragons that it will take more than 150 shock troops and a heart of steel to slay.

            INDEX                  FUJIMORI'S COUP DE FORCE