I found this article in the November, 1996 issue of the Braille Monitor, published by the National Federation of the Blind. You can view the entire issue by going to http://www.nfb.org/bm/bm96/brlm9611.htm. IS IT TOO LATE TO RESCUE BRAILLE LITERACY? by Emerson Foulke From the Editor Emeritus: Dr. Emerson Foulke is a long-time Federationist and one of the leaders of the National Federation of the Blind of Kentucky. He is also a brilliant scholar and an authority in the field of Braille reading and writing. Dr. Foulke received his Ph.D. in experimental psychology from Washington University in St. Louis and shortly thereafter (1959) accepted a position as a psychologist at the Veterans Hospital in Knoxville, Iowa. In 1961 he went to Louisville to accept employment at the American Printing House for the Blind and the University of Louisville. In 1961 he joined the faculty of the University of Louisville full-time as a professor of psychology. He became director of the Perceptual Alternatives Laboratory at the University of Louisville in 1969 and continued in that position until his retirement in 1992. For Dr. Foulke retirement has not meant reduced activity. He now serves as director of the International Braille Research Center and does extensive writing and research. The following paper is illustrative. It was given in March of this year at the World Forum on Literacy in Montevideo, Uruguay. Here it is: Next to print, Braille is, to my knowledge, the best reading and writing system ever devised. It is often read more slowly than print because the finger tip's field of view is smaller than the eye's field of view and because reading fingers cannot move as fast as eyes. However, like print, Braille is displayed spatially on the page. Consequently, the advantage realized by print readers because they can use spatial cues to search, retrieve, and read selectively is also realized by Braille readers. The alternative approaches to reading that blind children are too often encouraged or required to learn do not share these advantages. For blind persons Braille is the path to literacy and all of the advantages conferred by literacy. Blind persons who are good Braille readers have opportunities not available to blind persons who read Braille poorly or not at all. They have generally become educated and are engaged in productive employment. Although the advantage conferred by Braille has always been obvious to anyone who took the trouble to notice it, it is only recently that studies have been undertaken to gauge the value of Braille to those who are competent in its use. The results of recent research (Schroeder, 1994; Ryles, 1996) are beginning to confirm what competent Braille readers have always known. The findings of these investigators indicate that blind persons who are competent Braille readers are also much more likely to have had a good education, to spend more time reading, to be productively employed, to be financially self- sufficient, and to have higher self-esteem than blind persons who read Braille poorly or not at all. A survey conducted by Kirchner (1988) revealed that 70 percent of the legally blind persons in the nation are unemployed. Findings reported by Ryles (1996) suggest that the 30 percent who are employed are much more likely to be Braille readers than the 70 percent who are not. Spungin (1989) reported a study undertaken by the American Foundation for the Blind in which the database it maintains, called the Careers and Technology Information Bank (CTIB), was examined and revealed that 85 percent of the blind persons in this database who are primarily Braille readers are also employed. In 1995 the Library Division of the Canadian National Institute for the Blind (CNIB) conducted a survey of its blind patrons in order to assess the impact of Braille literacy on the library services offered by CNIB to blind Canadians. Survey results indicated that only 6 percent of its Braille-reading patrons were unemployed: 52 percent had incomes higher than $25,000 per year, and 14 percent had incomes higher than $50,000 per year. Eleven percent held one university degree, and of that group 14 percent held more than one degree (CNIB, 1995). The significance of these results can be gauged by comparing them with the results of a survey conducted by Statistics Canada, which found that 10 percent of all Canadians of employable age (sighted, blind, or otherwise) were unemployed, and that only 10 percent of all Canadians reported incomes higher than $25,000 per year. The study further indicated that only 8.8 percent of all Canadians held university degrees (Statistics Canada, 1990). As another indication of the advantage gained by using Braille for reading, the unemployment figure of 6 percent for Braille-reading patrons of the CNIB Library should also be compared with the unemployment figure of 75 percent for all blind Canadians of employable age that was found in another survey reported by Statistics Canada (1993). The reason for the findings reported by Schroeder, Ryles, Spungin, and CNIB are obvious. Education and the work people are able to do because they are educated are predicated on the ability to read. Reading is the basic tool on which all education depends, because those who learn to read can then read to learn, and it is the reading of Braille that allows blind persons to become literate. When I began my education sixty years ago, most blind and visually impaired children received their education in residential schools. Because these schools were relatively few in number, they could easily reach an agreement concerning the school books their students would use, and they could therefore place book orders with a Braille printing house that were large enough to make their production economical. Because all of the students would be depending on Braille for their reading and writing, they received intensive instruction in its use; and all of their teachers, not just their Braille teachers, were expected to know how to read and write Braille as well. Furthermore, the teachers expected their students to become good Braille readers and insisted on a high standard of reading performance, and with few exceptions the students learned to read well and enjoy reading. In view of the role of Braille in making the option of literacy available to blind persons, one would naturally suppose that the public schools, where most blind children now receive their education, place as much emphasis on the provision of adequate instruction in learning to read Braille as on learning to read print. Sadly, this is not the case. From the time the enrollment of blind children in public schools became the general practice to the present, there has been a continuous decline in Braille reading ability (Rex, 1989; Mullen, 1990). The Federal Quota Registry, maintained and published annually by the American Printing House for the Blind (APH), is an enumeration of the legally blind children in the nation, classified by reading ability and the type of reading in which they engage. Examination of this registry reveals that the number of legally blind children increased from 17,330 in 1963 to 52,791 in 1993. During this period the fraction of registered students who were taught to read Braille declined from 57 percent to less than 10 percent, and the fraction of legally blind students classified as nonreaders rose from a little over 0.10 percent to more than 45 percent (American Printing House for the Blind, 1963-1993). Some of this increase is due to the increased enrollment in public schools of blind students who have other handicaps, but it is clear that there has been a steep increase in the fraction of legally blind children who are taught to read by listening to recorded or live speech, or by reading large print or magnified print, or who do not read at all. It is noteworthy that, although the APH Registry classifies as readers not only those who use Braille for reading but also those who read by listening or by visual perception of large print or magnified print, it is only those who use Braille for reading that realize the advantages generally associated with literacy. The findings just cited urge the conclusion that the public school system de-emphasized the reading medium that gives blind persons the opportunity to become literate and emphasized the reading media that have been shown to be ineffective in achieving literacy (R. Ryles, personal communication, 1996). As the increase in the number of blind children who read Braille slowly and inaccurately or not at all continued, the demand for books in Braille decreased. The declining demand for Braille books caused by inadequate instruction of blind children led to decreased production of Braille books, and because persons who do not read Braille well or do not read it at all do not ask libraries for books in Braille, libraries included fewer and fewer Braille books in their collections. The reasons for the changes just indicated are not hard to find. When blind children started going to public schools in large numbers, there were dramatic changes in the way they were educated. These changes had far-reaching effects, some of which were not anticipated and were far from desirable. The wish to have blind children educated in public schools was doubtless motivated by the best of intentions. It was held that blind children would reap the benefits of living with their families during their formative years and that their socialization would be facilitated by contact with their sighted classmates. They would become integrated into the society of the sighted, and the negative stereotypes concerning the blind would vanish. With little in the way of analytical thinking, it was tacitly assumed that blind children would receive adequate instruction in tool skills such as reading and writing Braille. Unfortunately, in far too many cases this did not happen. There were not enough competent teachers of Braille to meet the instructional demands imposed by the influx of blind children (Stephens, 1989; Schroeder, 1989; Caton, 1991; Willson, 1993), and even if such competent teachers had been available, there was not enough money in school budgets, short of a radical change in priorities, to hire the number of properly prepared teachers required. The result was that in many schools throughout the nation blind children received poor and infrequent instruction in Braille reading and writing. It was taken for granted that sighted children would require intensive daily instruction in print reading and writing, but in view of the shortage of teachers who knew Braille well or who knew it at all, and doubtless in view of the modest expectations held by school personnel concerning the possible achievements of a blind child, it was too often decided that the needs of blind children would be met well enough by as few as two instructional periods a week in the use of Braille. This regrettable situation was made worse by the lure of specious alternatives. Anyone who could read aloud could record a book on tape for use by a blind student. Ordinary print could be enlarged by a copier or magnified by a lens, or a computer with the requisite software could be used to increase the size of the print displayed on the screen of the computer monitor (Paul, 1993). Perhaps the most important consideration was the belief that, if legally blind children could be taught to read print at all, their teachers could read what they were reading and could work with them more effectively. Apparently people failed to notice that many of the legally blind children who were required to read print were reading slowly and inaccurately and that they found reading fatiguing. Why were these problems not noticed? Could it be the belief that the performance standard expected of sighted students should not be expected of students with an affliction as severe as blindness --regardless of the reading medium they used (Koenig, 1992)? Could it be that the poor reading of legally blind children required to read print went unnoticed because to notice this fact would have required schools to take remedial steps they were neither prepared nor willing to take? What were the consequences of this failure to provide adequate instruction in reading Braille? It is now not at all difficult to find legally blind students who have been graduated from high school, often with good grades, who read print with difficulty and Braille not at all, who cannot pass any of the tests of achievement administered to high school students, who are unemployed, who cannot find a place in competitive employment, and who are functionally illiterate. It would not be at all difficult to find teachers who finally woke up to the fact that there were blind students in the sixth grade or higher who were not able to do the work expected of them because they could not read. In many such cases school administrators abandoned the pretense of educating these children and solved the problem by arranging for their transfer to the residential school for the blind. When this happened, teachers at the residential school had the unenviable task of working with students who were twelve years or older and who did not know how to read in any meaningful sense-- students who, if given a grade placement commensurate with their current level of performance, would have to be placed in the second grade. How could this happen? Could it be that there were teachers in public schools with very low expectations of the performance of which a blind child would be capable? Could it be that these teachers were prepared to praise blind students for performance that would have been unacceptable for a sighted student--teachers who, as an act of charity, gave them passing grades? Some of the integration that was supposed to be the result of having blind children educated in public schools probably did take place, but it would not be surprising to find a school for the blind within the walls of a public school, where blind students spend most of each day in the resource room and have little social contact with sighted students. An even more common case is the legally blind student who is the only blind person in the public school he attends. He has been taught to read large print or print enlarged by magnification. Because he reads slowly and inaccurately and cannot read very long without experiencing fatigue and headaches, he has been falling farther and farther behind, month by month and year by year. His teacher, motivated by pity, has been giving him passing grades, but his self-esteem is low because he knows that his performance is poor and his grades unearned. His sighted classmates know that his performance is poor, too, and they are not surprised. They have brought to school with them the negative stereotypes concerning blindness taught to them by their culture. They see him as different, handicapped, and simply unable to keep up with the rest of the class. Because they perceive him this way, integration has not occurred, and he is socially isolated. The consequences of inadequate instruction in reading Braille would have been obvious to public school administrators and teachers if they had been inclined to make the relevant observations, but these consequences failed to attract their attention. For schools that were not prepared to offer adequate instruction in Braille, it was easy to conclude that, because there were less expensive; more convenient; and, as they saw it, more effective alternatives, Braille had limited utility (Thurlough, 1988). It became common practice to recommend instruction in Braille only as a last resort. Children with little vision were urged to read large print or magnified print, in spite of the fact that they read slowly and found reading fatiguing, and even though in many cases visual acuity would eventually decrease, culminating in total blindness. True, when blind children first began going to public schools, it was difficult to get books in Braille. Because the number of public schools attended by blind children is much larger than the number of residential schools such students formerly attended, it is not feasible to seek an agreement concerning the textbooks to be used in the courses offered. Because the number of students needing any particular book was small, the book could not be transcribed into Braille economically by a Braille printing house. If Braille books were used, the solution would have to be to rely on volunteer transcribers, teacher's aides, and resource teachers for the production of Braille textbooks; but at the beginning of the migration to public schools, the equipment available to transcribers was relatively primitive. By the time a book could be provided in Braille, the need for it was often past. This excuse for not providing books in Braille is no longer available. Scanner/OCR systems can now capture the text on the printed page and save it in disk files. Translation programs can generate a Grade II translation of the text. The translated text can be sent to a Braille embosser connected to the computer. It is now relatively easy and inexpensive to produce even a single copy of a Braille textbook needed by a blind student. In spite of the equipment now available for producing Braille efficiently, its declining use continues in many school districts throughout the nation (American Printing House for the Blind, 1994). It is difficult to escape the conclusion that public school systems are guilty of perpetuating a self-fulfilling prophecy. They appear to reason that Braille is no longer as useful as it was when there were no alternatives because, as they see it, the alternatives to Braille now available have proved to be more effective. The declining demand for and use of Braille is the inevitable consequence. As these schools see it, Braille had a role to play in bygone years, but it is well on its way to becoming an obsolescent reading medium that is little used and no longer needed (Mack, 1984). They do not consider the possibility that the use of Braille is declining because it is regarded by too many teachers and administrators as the reading medium of last resort. They do not consider that Braille would be a more effective reading medium if it were taught more frequently by more competent teachers. It has apparently not occurred to them that students who have received poor and infrequent instruction in the use of Braille for reading are not likely to express much demand for reading matter in Braille. As a result of this vicious downward spiral, we ultimately reached a point at which there was reason to fear that Braille would lapse into disuse and would no longer be available. Fortunately, steps have been taken to reverse this dismal trend. Braille readers themselves have, by political action, caused bills to be passed in twenty-seven of the states in the United States (Schroeder, 1992). These bills require public schools to offer instruction in Braille that is adequate in both quality and frequency of instruction to the blind children who should be learning Braille. There are even signs that the educational establishment is at last becoming aware of the importance of Braille and the wrong done to blind children by neglecting it. We are beginning to reverse the downward spiral and to restore Braille to the position it deserves and never should have lost. The list of problems to be solved is formidable. Nevertheless, we must begin to seek their solutions immediately if we are to make literacy a generally available option for blind children. To begin with, not enough teachers know how to teach Braille. The reason is not hard to find. As already mentioned, the number of blind children registered by APH increased from 17,330 in 1963 to 52,791 in 1993. During the same period the Office of Education was gradually withdrawing the support it had been providing for the university programs that prepare students to teach blind children. As a result several teacher preparation programs were terminated, and others experienced a reduction of staff. Some of the surviving programs have a staff of one (Head, 1992). One reason for this pernicious inverse correlation between the need for teachers who can teach children to use Braille for reading and the availability of such teachers is the belief promulgated by the Office of Education and various organizations representing the interests of high-incidence disability groups that the educational needs of blind children can be met adequately by teachers who have been trained as generalists in special education. This belief is simply wrong. If blind children are truly to compete in public schools, they must have mastered the necessary tools. The schools they attend must give them the opportunity to become skillful Braille readers, skillful practitioners of independent mobility, and knowledgeable users of assistive technology. Generalists in special education are unprepared to teach these skills, and blind children who receive all of their instruction from generalists are almost certainly doomed to failure. This belief must be eradicated and replaced by the awareness and conviction that blind children must be prepared for success in the public school environment by specialists who can help them acquire the skills on which their success in school will depend. Placing blind children in public schools that cannot meet their instructional needs makes a mockery of "most appropriate placement." They are, in fact, the victims of "most inappropriate placement." In order to restore Braille to its rightful place, the teachers and administrators in public schools must change their attitudes and expectations. When the staff in a public school attended by blind students believe that blind children cannot be expected to perform at the level of their sighted peers and believe that allowances must be made for blind children because the severity of their disability will inevitably subject them to lives of dependency, the resulting climate is devastating to their morale and self-esteem. The teacher who expects little in the way of performance from a blind student is willing to accept minimal performance. She asks for little, and of course she gets what she asks for. The fact is that children learn to expect of themselves what others expect of them and to accept the beliefs of others concerning their abilities and their worth. Changing attitudes is difficult, but there are steps that can be taken. As a start the resource teacher, if there is one, or the itinerant teacher can express positive beliefs about the blind children in the school. He or she can talk with other teachers in the school, give them constructive articles to read, and try to persuade them to raise their expectations and demand better performance. Some teachers may come to understand that providing a positive educational experience for a blind child is an interesting challenge rather than an unwelcome burden. Of course, the resource or itinerant teacher must genuinely believe that blind children have abilities and that they will respond positively to more demanding expectations. And the resource teacher must not only know Braille in theory but must also be efficient in its use, both in reading and writing. Unfortunately, this is not always the case. Here is a possible interim solution to the shortage of competent Braille teachers. I know a Braille teacher who is extraordinarily competent, highly motivated, and possessed of the ability to engender in her students her own enthusiasm for Braille. She found herself in the familiar situation of facing a critical shortage of teachers who could actually teach children to read Braille. She solved the problem by training teacher's aides to teach Braille. She had impressive success, and she believes that other dedicated Braille teachers could do what she did--but only if the necessary conditions are present. Many teacher's aides either cannot or do not want to learn to teach Braille, and the Braille teacher must participate in the selection of the teacher's aide who is given that assignment, instead of merely accepting a person assigned at random by an uninformed administrator. In addition, the Braille teacher must provide close supervision of the teacher's aides she has trained. This approach will not, by any means, eliminate the shortage of Braille teachers, but it may be worth a try. And we may do well to remember that the university is not the only place a person can learn Braille and learn how to teach it. The university programs where students receive the education that prepares them for work as resource or itinerant teachers often graduate students who have low expectations concerning the abilities of the blind children with whom they will be working, and these university programs must share some of the responsibility. The student teachers in these programs often learn from their professors and from the courses they are required to take that Braille is a last resort to be considered only if reading print by any means is impossible. The faculty members in these programs may communicate their own low expectations to the students they teach, and the courses they offer rarely provide for experiences that could convince their student teachers of the abilities of competent blind persons. They do not often provide opportunities for their student teachers to associate with competent blind adults and discover their capabilities. These are program defects that can be corrected by program directors if they can be made to believe in the necessity of making the corrections. The students who enroll in teacher preparation programs usually receive inadequate preparation for teaching children to use Braille for reading. A student who has had a one- or two- semester course in Braille is not a Braille teacher, and certainly such a person is not likely to be a competent Braille user. A Braille teacher must know Braille thoroughly. A Braille teacher must have learned what is known about reading in general. A Braille teacher must be thoroughly familiar with all of the methods of teaching Braille that we currently know about and must be able to employ them selectively and appropriately. A Braille teacher must be able to motivate the children he or she teaches and must be able to convince them that learning to use Braille for reading is one of the most important skills they will ever learn. Above all, the Braille teacher must believe in the importance of Braille and must know how to communicate this belief, not only to the students he or she teaches but also to the teachers and administrators in the school or schools where he or she works. The teacher who can meet these requirements is the teacher who not only will teach children to use Braille for reading but also will teach them to be self-motivated because they enjoy reading. In short, a Braille teacher is a specialist, and to become a specialist a student teacher must complete a program that includes more course work and training than is provided by the typical teacher preparation program. One way to accomplish this might be to organize courses of study leading to the master's degree. Such courses would be taken by those students in special education who intend to become specialists. These students would take the courses not provided by the ordinary teacher preparation curriculum, would receive the training that gives them a thorough mastery of Braille, and would serve an internship under the supervision of a master teacher of Braille. Implementing solutions to the problems just discussed will have a high cost. Finding and training enough Braille teachers will be expensive. Providing the assistive technology that makes it easier for blind students to be competitive in the public school environment will be expensive, and teaching them how to use such technology will be expensive. Organized efforts to change the attitudes and expectations of public school teachers and administrators will also be expensive. The implementation of these measures will require money--a lot of money. We will not undertake the changing of our priorities that would be required in order for us to find the money we need to prepare Braille teachers, or teachers of any kind for that matter, until we become convinced that an educated citizenry is a nation's most valuable resource, and there is reason for skepticism on that score. References American Printing House for the Blind. (1963-1993). Distribution of federal quota based on registration of eligible students. Louisville, KY: Author. American Printing House for the Blind. (1994). Distribution of federal quota January 4, 1993 registration of eligible students. Louisville, KY: Author. American Printing House for the Blind. (1995). Distribution of federal quota January 4, 1994 registration of eligible students. Louisville, KY: Author. Canadian National Institute for the Blind, Library for the Blind. (1995). Understanding Braille literacy and its impact on library literacy services. Toronto: Author. Caton, H. (1991). 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